30 September 2025, 15:30 CET
Seminar Room 1.205
Karthika Baby Sujatha
UNU-MERIT
The study examines whether a brief, intensive intervention focusing on men could shift men’s attitudes, tolerance and behavior regarding intimate partner violence (IPV). We implemented a randomized field experiment with 1,767 men aged 18-57 in Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India recruited via stratified sampling across 43 revenue villages in the district. After a short baseline, participants were randomized to treatment group or control group, where the treatment group participated in a 2-hour small-group discussion anchored by a locally sourced IPV news/incident video, a gender-expert-facilitated discussion, an exercise exploring gender - power differences via a card game, and co-designed individual and community solutions. Among the treated men, a random sub-group was then selected and assigned to a WhatsApp group where they received gender-equality-reinforcing contents for 30 days. Outcomes were measured immediately post-session and at an endline scheduled 30 days post-intervention. We find sizable, sustained improvements in gender-egalitarian beliefs and rejection of traditional breadwinner- homemaker roles, stronger rejection of rape myths, and declines in the view that IPV is justifiable or should remain private, along with greater support for bystander intervention and collective action. We observe that incentivized donations to the women-focused NGO increased, and petition signing rose across groups. Self- reported perpetration does not change in the short run, while reports of witnessing IPV increased, consistent with heightened recognition. Effects were larger in Treatment Group 2 that had the WhatsApp intervention than the Treatment Group 1, underscoring the importance of low-cost digital reinforcement. Findings point to a scalable approach to engaging men to tackle IPV.
Luca Tiberti
University of Florence
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) remains a deeply entrenched cultural practice with severe health and social consequences, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, shocks can alter the perceived benefits and costs associated with FGM. This paper investigates how large-scale disruptions, specifically Boko Haram-related conflicts in Nigeria, unintentionally alter the prevalence of FGM. Leveraging geocoded data from the Nigerian Demographic and Health Surveys (2013, 2018) and the Nigeria General Household Survey (2010-2011, 2012-2013 and 2015-2016), and conflict data from ACLED, we employ a dynamic staggered Differencein-Differences approach to identify causal effects. We find that exposure to Boko Haram violence significantly reduces the likelihood of FGM among girls aged 0–14. This decline is driven by conflict-induced income shocks, which increase the relative costs of FGM; disruptions to healthcare infrastructure, heightening the perceived health risks; and reduced child marriage incentives tied to declining bride prices. Additionally, increased internet access fosters exposure to anti-FGM narratives, weakening cultural support for the practice. These findings suggest the need for post-conflict recovery policies that leverage cultural shifts and economic incentives to drive lasting social change.
Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz
Michigan State University
Recent studies suggest that violent conflict increases women’s representation in decisionmaking bodies in Africa. However, the reasons for such effects a re unclear. Women might have expanded roles due to reforms (e.g., legislative quotas) often included in post-conflict restructurings, or because conflict settings provide opportunities to enhance their experience, knowledge, and financial resources. A third explanation, and the one we consider in this paper, is that violent conflict affects norms and attitudes regarding leadership broadly, and, particularly, the desirability of women’s participation in decision-making. We highlight three possibilities. First, women’s demand for participation in formal politics might increase as they seek to effect change in the midst of intense post-conflict problems. Second, violence could create or reinforce stereotypes that male and female politicians are fundamentally different, with men more likely to represent aggression and division. Finally, stereotypes associated with male leadership (e.g., decisiveness, steadfastness, parochialism) might be considered less desirable in post-conflict settings, while those associated with women (e.g., adaptability, compromise, inclusiveness) are more preferred. We test these expectations with survey data from Nigeria, which has recently experienced significant violence related to elections, an Islamist insurgency, and land disputes. Overall, the results only partially confirm our expectations. As anticipated, experience with violence is positively correlated with increased political participation for women. However, we find that those who experienced violence are more likely to see female leaders as steadfast, and also more likely to embrace steadfast and parochial leaders (the latter of which is, counter to our initial assumptions, more associated with female leadership than inclusivity is). In short, we find early evidence that experience with violence does shape gendered conceptions of leadership, and these changes might enhance women’s opportunities for political involvement.